By David S. Potter

A significant other to the Roman Empire presents readers with a consultant either to Roman imperial historical past and to the sector of Roman experiences, taking account of the latest discoveries.

This significant other brings jointly thirty unique essays guiding readers via Roman imperial background and the sphere of Roman studies.
Shows that Roman imperial historical past is a compelling and colourful subject.
Includes major new contributions to varied components of Roman imperial history.
Covers the social, highbrow, monetary and cultural background of the Roman Empire.
Contains an in depth bibliography.

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The result of Mu¨nzer’s analysis, Ro¨mische Adelsparteien und Adelsfamilien, was published in 1920, and remained unknown to Lewis Namier, who developed his own style of prosopographical analysis to study the parliaments of the mid-eighteenth century. Syme had not read Namier’s fundamental The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III when it appeared in 1929, and would not read it until after he had finished The Roman Revolution (Bowersock 1993: 548–9). Even the most casual reader of the two books will see that they are very different in scope.

Tacitus thought that the imperial system was the inevitable result of the failure of government in the last centuries B C E . His governing class was complicit in the acts of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero. Tacitus saw the structure of imperial power arise from a dialogue between emperors and their subjects. Tacitus’ vision shared a great deal with that of Rostovtzeff, whose basic thesis was that power arose from the people. In the first two centuries C E , Rostovtzeff’s emperors supported the interests of what he termed the urban bourgeoisie, before switching direction and becoming the tools of the peasant armies they had previously kept in check, armies that shared the rural population’s class hatred for those in the cities.

3 The Ancient Economy: Hugo Jones, Peter Brunt, and Moses Finley The real strength of Rostovtzeff’s work was his sense that the ancient economy had to be treated within the context of ancient social relations. It took a scholar with the vast intellectual range of A. H. M. Jones to understand the true power of Rostovtzeff’s analysis and attempt a creative reformation of his understanding of the ancient economy as a tool for analyzing the institutional structures of social control (A. H. M. Jones 1952: 359; Crook 1971: 426).

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